ALLARD’s 2005 Article on Architect of Haiti’s Destabilization: Bush’s Proconsul, Caleb McCarry

Posted on January 26, 2010



Caleb McCarry doing what he does best:  dreaming up ways to screw the people of Haiti

Granma International (Havana)
CALEB McCARRY: Bush’s man for Cuba author of the Haitian disaster
BY JEAN-GUY ALLARD-Special for Granma International
Havana, October 28, 2005
BY using ex-soldiers, henchmen and criminals to destabilize the
government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Caleb McCarry was the architect of the
current human rights situation in Haiti, qualified as catastrophic by the
UN. The former Republican Party official, who is linked to the U.S.
intelligence organizations, is the man selected by George W. Bush to make
concrete the latest annexation plan for Cuba promoted by his administration
and the Miami mafia. McCarry, the proconsul designated by the Bush
administration for a Cuba annexed to Washington.
“There are serious and reiterated violations. Summary executions, torture
and arbitrary arrests are being committed by the police or with their
consent,” said Thierry Fagart, a lawyer with the human rights section in
Caleb McCarry, the proconsul designated by the Bush administration to
provoke the annexation of Cuba, belongs to a mafia of US politicians and
officials who provoked the kidnapping and outrageous eviction of President
Jean-Bertrand Aristide from Haiti behind the back of the State Department
and with the blessing of the Bush clan.
McCarry and his buddies developed their conspiracy with a political activist
linked to the Duvaliers and a band of mercenaries and criminals, in a dirty
operation handled by the most fanatical far-right sectors of the Republican
In an article entitled “The other regime change” published in July 2004 by
the website, U.S. journalist Max Blumenthal reveals how the
International Republican Institute (IRI) a non-profit making organization
heavily subsidized by USAID and represented on the desolated island by
Stanley Lucas, directed the anti-Aristide operation. In that dirty task it
received instructions and unconditional support from a nucleus of
ultra-right members of the Republican Party, closely linked to Bush, in
which Caleb McCarry appeared to have played a key role.
The Lucas family is famous in Haiti for a massacre of campesinos organized
by Stanley’s cousins Leonard and Rémy in 1987. In that year a mob of
criminals wielding machetes killed 250 small farmers who were claiming a
redistribution of the land on their estate. At that very moment, Lucas was
training troops for counter-insurgency
According to Blumenthal, Lucas, an ex-judo champion with a playboy image,
comes from a wealthy family identified with the Duvalier family, whose
murderous regime dominated Haiti for years, is the Haitian version of the
Iraqi collaborator Ahmed Chalabi.
While Colin Powell was trying to maintain with Haiti the moderate political
line decided during the Clinton administration, Caleb McCarry, an
anti-Aristide official on the House Foreign Relations Committee, and a
delegation of Republicans met up in the Dominican Republic with Convergence,
the anti-Aristide alliance whose line then
diverged from that of the State Department.
According to a former State Department official, McCarry and Lucas were
handpicked to link US funding with the opposition that they were
Lucas dedicated himself to personally training Aristide’s opponents via
courses that he titled Democracy 10, Blumenthal relates.
Among those invited to those training sessions were various members of
CREDDO, the political group of General Prosper Avril, who headed Haiti from
1988-1990, by declaring a state of siege and torturing his opponents.
In February 2004, when the mercenary Guy Philippe “an ex-chief of police and
childhood friend of Lucas” captured Cape Haitien with 200 “insurgents,”
including killers, criminals and ex-henchmen from former regimes, and was
threatening Port-au-Prince while the national police were fleeing, US
embassy officials faced Aristide with the alternative of remaining in the
capital without protection and facing the bandit hordes of Lucas’ friends,
or to board a plane provided by Washington that would take him to Africa.
Among those “combatants for freedom,” as Roger Noriega would call them, were
Louis Jodel Chamblain, a paramilitary leader with a sinister reputation; and
Emmanuel “Toto” Constant, who subsequently confessed his connections with
A recent compilation of articles from the official US press by Canadian
researcher Aaron Mate and published on the website, points to a
long series of violent incidents in recent months that clearly demonstrate
various characteristics of the democracy installed in Haiti thanks to Caleb
McCarry and his accomplices.
On March 1, 2005, the Miami Herald reported how the previous day, Haitian
police had opened fire on a march of 2,000 peaceful demonstrators in
Port-au-Prince, killing two and injuring many. The protest was in
commemoration of the coup against Aristide the year before.
The following March 24, AP described how the police had once again fired on
demonstrators in the capital, killing one person. The cable noted that
Associated Press reporters had seen offices firing into the air and at
On April 27, the police opened fire for the third time on demonstrators
demanding the release of Aristide followers, killing five of them, AP
On June 5, Reuters announced that up to 25 people were killed in police
raids on the Friday and Saturday in marginal districts of the capital of
Haiti, according to employees from a mortuary and witnesses. One of the
witnesses, Ronald Macillon, said that the police killed many people and set
fire to their homes.
Another Reuters cable, datelined July 15, reported how opposition groups and
residents in marginal neighborhoods were saying that dozens of innocent
people had been executed during raids by UN troops and Haitian police. Renan
Hedouville, head of the Lawyers Committee for Individual Rights (CARLI), a
highly respected group, noted that the victims included children and elderly
people from the Bel-Air and
Cité-Soleil districts.
On September 1, the Herald reported another massacre by police with assault
rifles and black masks in Martissant on August 20, in the middle of a
football match.
That attack left at least six dead and prompted concern among UN officials
trying to stabilize this lawless city, where the police, working with gangs
led by some unknown politician, carried out a cleansing operation prior to
the November elections.
On August 30, the Washington Times noted that witnesses of the massacre said
that they recognized some civilians armed with machetes as ‘attachés’; in
other words local criminals reported to be informants and killers hired by
the police.
Aristide was kidnapped on February 28, 2004 by special U.S. forces and
expelled from his own country. Blumenthal relates in his article how
Condoleezza Rice woke Bush up in the middle of the night to tell him the
news of the U.S. ‘triumph’ in the poorest country of the hemisphere.
On July 29, 2005, Condoleezza Rice, meanwhile appointed secretary of state,
announced the designation of McCarry at the head of the Commission for
Assistance to a Free Cuba; in other words, to intervene IN Cuba like on so
many other occasions in the Caribbean. McCarry’s appointment ceremony took
place in the Treaties Hall of the Harry S. Truman building in the State
Department, in the presence of two eminent members of the Miami mafia:
Senator Mel Martínez, mentor of the Cuban Liberty Council, whose members
are distinguished for their links with international terrorist Luis Posada
Carriles; and Lincoln Díaz-Balart, the rabid congressman who boasts of his
privileged relations with the most fanatical circles in South Florida.