CUBA Kicks Butt With Solid Evidence, the US and their Mercenaries Look Stupid

Posted on May 22, 2008

Thu May 22nd 2008, 07:03 PM
U.S. Interests Section: coordinator of subversion

By Pedro de La Hoz and Alberto Nuñez —Granma daily staff writers—

PART 2 of the Radio/TV Roundtable program once again gave several examples of the repugnant behavior of members of counterrevolutionary groups, who have made a daily practice of lying in their ambitions to gain prominence and, above all, earn a lot of money.

Footage shown exposed the servility of the pro-annexationists, who see officials at the U.S. Interests Section in Havana (USIS) as their lords and masters.

They reported to those officials by cell phone with amazing frequency to inform them on how the tasks given to them by the USIS or the big chiefs in Miami were progressing. Those calls were made to fabricate impressive lies, like the one from capo Marta Beatriz Roque Cabello, who reported that, after fulfilling one mission, brigades in defense of the Revolution were waiting outside her home to break into it. Then she went on to mention a false beating and arrest in a place where she was trying to put on a “show,” by throwing her into a bus like “a sack of potatoes.”

The footage shown on TV made it clear that total peace reigned outside her house and that, in the case of her removal from a public place, she got into the Yutong bus slowly and calmly on her own two feet, as if she was a tourist.

Journalist Reinaldo Taladrid commented on some of the characteristics of the conduct of these mini-groups, whose central base is the USIS, an office that, instead of being a diplomatic mission, is acting as the coordinator of subversion in Cuba. They are the employees of a foreign power that has been attacking our country for the last 50 years. And, in the search for possible crumbs they respond unconditionally to demands made of them.

Their regular modus operandi, Taladrid noted, is to ask for sums of money at every step of their counterrevolutionary activities. And the empire satisfies its mercenaries with a constant flow of funds.

That behavior is in line with U.S. government strategy and its aim is to incite provocations as a motive for escalating aggression against our country, affirmed Granma daily editor Lázaro Barredo, who added that Martha Beatriz and her acolytes are perfectly well aware of the identity of the Fundación Rescate Jurídico chief and his objectives.

Barredo went on to refer to the exchange of emails between Martha Beatriz Roque Cabello and Carmen Machado, in which there are constant references to “el Amigo” ( the Friend, Santiago Alvarez Fernández-Magriñá), always concerned, even from prison, that his subordinates should not lack material, financial or any kind of resources.

In one of those emails to the notorious terrorist speaks of the possibility of installing a computer in her home.

These messages are not lacking in the pampering of a supposed family and, between one thing and another, a certain “demand” to distribute the money well in Cuba, as “other people have joined the Foundation,” as if to warn her from Miami that parasites also abound in that Florida city.


Lázaro Barredo noted that in a message to her superiors, Martha Beatriz informed them of the generosity of the Slovakians and Czechs, who had offered their embassies to facilitate electronic communication with the United States.

Randy Alonso, program moderator, explained that various unpatriotic individuals are benefiting from that money proceeding from terrorism.

Irrefutable evidence of fabricating characters for subversion is the attempt to push for the nomination of the Damas de Blanco (Women in White) group, likewise on the payroll and committed to imperial politics, for a Nobel Peace Prize.

Manuel Hevia, director of the State Security Historical Research Center, presented documentation on how the Damas de Blanco and counterrevolutionaries Vladimiro Roca, Laura Pollán and Jorge Luis García (Antúnez) are happy with the money sent by the notorious terrorist in his guise as benefactor. The receipts and thanks are accompanied by signatures that can certainly be used in evidence.

The investigator quoted – and the recording was played on the program – that on April 18, 2008, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, a mafia representative in the U.S. Congress, communicated with the Damas to thank them for their work in Cuba.

This affirmation contradicts earlier statements by those women in which they denied receiving such “financial aid.”


In response to those in the anti-Cuban mafia barracks in the south of Florida and the internal mercenaries who have insisted that the action of the Cuban authorities in the case of the criminal marriage between Rescate Jurídico, U.S. diplomats and subversive groups is in violation of the privacy of those involved, Taladrid recalled the legitimacy of the procedures on the basis of current Cuban legislation protecting the right to safeguard internal order and national security from the actions of terrorist elements.

On the other hand, none of the individuals who are questioning that right have mentioned what has been the regular practice of the current U.S. administration: illegal phone-tapping and the tracking of credit cards and electronic communications outside of the 2,730 applications processed in 2007 by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, as quoted by Time magazine on May 19.


Emails exchanged between Martha Beatriz Roque Cabello and Alvarez Fernández-Magriña read out with comments gave some idea of the low morals of those thriving in the anti-Cuba industry.

Behind the euphemism of the dispatch and receipt of “postcards” ($1,000) and letters ($100) in each letter, it was evident that the counterrevolutionary capos were fully aware of the identity of the financier “el Amigo” (Alvarez Fernández-Magriña) and his terrorist pedigree, plus their crazed competition to ingratiate themselves with such a benefactor.

At the same time, those emails exposed the unchecked greed of the mercenaries and the materialism prevailing in their human relationships.

Martha Beatriz Roque Cabello dedicated a large part of her correspondence to discrediting her “brothers in struggle.” She described René Gómez Manzano as “shameless and unbearable;” she accused Félix Bonne of receiving money without doing anything to deserve it and proposed dividing the monthly allowance of $600 received between the two of them into three parts, so as to benefit Esther Lydia Lima, the wife of Arnaldo Ramos, imprisoned for mercenary activities.

The real story of that money scrabbling is that Ramos heard that Gómez Manzano had received a money prize that he failed to tell his boss Roque Cabello about, and so she decided to pay him back and pay Ramos for his service.

Roque Cabello described Elsa Morejón, received with honors at the White House by George W. Bush, as “a lynx” and suggested to Rescate Jurídico that she should be cut out.

The “friend” of the “Friend” Alvarez Fernández-Magriña also rubbished her colleagues Gisela Delgado and Héctor Palacios before they left for Spain; she defined them as “pimps” and added that “Spanish Intelligence know who is who.”

Nor did she have any scruples, in terms of money, in biting the hand of her Miami co-religionist Silvia Yriondo and even Carmen Machado, her fairy godmother close to the terrorist, who she pressured over money that supposedly hadn’t arrived or arrived late.

When Machado put her off and stopped sending emails at one point, Roque Cabello let rip: “I’ve had it,” “If this collapses, Troy’s finished.”

The Roundtable showed documentation of payments from Rescate Jurídico to the mercenaries and the express funding of their Havana buddies.

A brief analysis throws up the disparity of payments: some collect more than others. The list includes a number of the Damas de Blanco women, whose leaders have denied receiving financial aid from the United States on more than one occasion.


Taladrid recalled that during one of the meetings in Havana financed by Alvarez, participants announced their willingness to accept help from any type of organization or source whatsoever, leaving the door wide open for other contributions from terrorist groups.

The insistence of Posada Carriles’ benefactor on donating money and “other items” could suggest supplying materials related to Alvarez’ habitual activities: explosives and military equipment.

In the same way that he manipulated the criminals who infiltrated the country via the northern coast of Villa Clara in 2001, so he manipulated Roque Cabello, asking her to write a letter to Judge James Cohn, who headed the trial of the terrorist for possession of weapons and explosives, in which she was to present arguments in his support. They needed to cast Alvarez as a good man only interested in Cuba’s freedom, therefore justifying a lesser sentence, which, in the end, he was granted. Roque Cabello complied with his request but in her own way, by involving her cohorts in the affair.

In and of themselves the request and the response are unusual, given their illegal and conspiratorial nature. It was all done under the table so that the documentation of the terrorist’s good behavior was seen only by the judge and the defense lawyers. In all probability, there has never been such a precedent anywhere in the world: that of the violent and criminal behavior of a defendant being considered a mitigating factor in his sentencing.

Given this serious judicial anomaly, Dr. Julio Fernández Bulté, emeritus professor at the University of Havana, observed that this was only possible in the United States where, using the September 11 attacks as a pretext, the current administration has ignored civil rights and destroyed the country’s democratic traditions.

The eminent jurist also referred to the flagrant violation of international covenants governing the diplomatic activities of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana on the part of its chief and officials by acting as couriers between the terrorist elements and the mercenaries. They acted with total disregard for the norms of respect for the sovereignty, integrity and independence of a host country by promoting subversion.


“Roundtable” panelists discussed the meeting that took place the same day, May 20, between the Republican presidential candidate John McCain and the anti-Cuban mafia at the Miami Mart Sheraton Hotel. Lázaro Barredo described the get-together as “McCain’s May 20,” given that it coincided with the anniversary of the coming to power of a deformed republic in Cuba as a result of U.S. intervention in the war with colonial Spain, and the pretensions of the forces gathered there to return Cuba to its former neocolonial status.

McCain was introduced by none less than Roberto Martín-Pérez, well-known terrorist, former sergeant in the Batista dictatorship’s police force and son of Batista’s henchman Lutgardo Martín-Pérez Molina. He is known for his financing of and logistic support to the paramilitary commandos of the Cuban-American National Foundation.

The candidate’s language was threatening, as could be expected from someone hoping to seduce his listeners, his political clientele: “As President, I will not passively await the day when the Cuban people enjoy the blessings of freedom and democracy. I will not wait… Maintaining the embargo (read blockade) is, however, just one element of a broader approach my administration would make to the people of Cuba. I would provide more material assistance and moral support to the courageous human rights activists (read mercenaries like Roque Cabello, Bonne, Gómez Manzano, Elsa Morejón and others) who bravely defy the regime every day, and increase Radio and TV Marti and other means to communicate directly with the Cuban people (read media aggression).”

The “Roundtable” is to continue its analysis of the shameless conspiracy between terrorists, mercenaries and the U.S. government, which will be reported in the next edition of Granma International.

Translated by Granma International…