June 30, 2009

HONDURAS: Raul Castro Speech to the Rio Group, June 29, 2009

GRANMA
June 29, 2009

The fascist coup d’état against President Zelaya
is an insult to all the peoples

Speech by President Raúl Castro Ruz
in the extraordinary session of the
Rio Group Summit, Managua, June 29, 2009.

Distinguished presidents and ministers:

I shall be brief; there are many heads of state and high-ranking representatives of our governments here who also wish to speak.

A serious and extremely significant event for Latin America and the Caribbean has brought us together here. We all know about the mistreatment and abuse to which the president and foreign minister of Honduras, and the ambassadors of Nicaragua, Venezuela and Cuba were subjected. The right of the Honduran people to express themselves politically has been trampled on.

Our first message to the Honduran people is one of solidarity and support.

Cuba strongly condemns the brutal coup d’état against the constitutional government of Honduras and its legitimate president and rejects the criminal attack on that nation’s popular sovereignty.

Aggression against the political constitutionality of any member country must be unanimously rejected by the Rio Group and in the most forceful terms.

As President Chávez rightly said last night, this is the moment to act according to one’s beliefs, wasting no time and unmasking those who condemn the coup, but then applaud under the table, as has happened so many times in our common history.

In Honduras, there is and can only be one president. José Manuel Zelaya must return immediately and unconditionally to the performance of his duties (Applause).

We believe that there can be no negotiations whatsoever with the perpetrators of the coup, nor any condition or demands of any kind for the legitimate government of President Zelaya.

The conflict between the people’s aspirations for a better future and the interests of the oligarchic sectors in perpetuating an unjust and unsustainable order will be decided there. It is a conflict that transcends Honduran borders and is an expression of the danger of a return to the past of military dictatorships which, in the recent past and with the support of the U.S. government, terrorized for decades the Latin American peoples – particularly those of Central American and the Caribbean – but virtually without exclusion.

We recall the most recent attempts: Bolivia, with Evo threatened by separatism. Friendly governments rallied to his defense, undertook their role, halted that variety of aggression against a sovereign government and a president who, for the very first time, represents those born on this continent who have taken on their shoulders most of the burden of exploitation (Applause).

Before that, it was with Chávez, the double coup, the typical coup d’état, and shaking up the whole of the population and restoring President Chávez to his rightful place once again; the oil coup that cost Venezuela millions of dollars.

And now with Zelaya in Honduras. I don’t know if it is just by pure chance that the three individuals mentioned form part of the nascent ALBA which, although they are not saying it, is worrying many persons.

These three examples alone demonstrate that the oligarchy and exterior forces that accompany them still have a lot of influence in terms of holding back history.

I ask myself what they will do with Correa in Ecuador. I fear that he is the next candidate and the next meeting of the Rio Group will be to congratulate Correa for successfully defending his country and revolutionary process (Applause).

I have only mentioned a few countries; I could mention some others that belong to the ALBA. For that reason, the fascist coup d’état against President Zelaya is an affront to all the peoples and governments of Latin America and the Caribbean, and cannot not go unpunished. Its masterminds will have to take responsibility for the crimes and outrages that have taken place in this sister nation.

The mass media will also be responsible as accomplices, for lending themselves to the coup faction’s aims and for confusing the people. At least we were able to find out what was happening through the vital work of Telesur (Applause).

Equally responsible are the oligarchic groups that are trying to legitimize a criminal act of this magnitude, and reactionary sectors in the hemisphere that are backing the transgressors of constitutionality.

The U.S. government must act in line with its declarations and assume them with all seriousness. I believe in the sincerity that President Obama and his secretary of state can demonstrate, but they must demonstrate it with actions, not with words.

Without popular support, with the total rejection of Latin American and Caribbean governments, no coup perpetrators can last. As Fidel said in his reflections of yesterday, those in Honduras can’t even breathe without the support of the United States or some of the forces with power within the government of the United States.

To the Honduran people, campesinos, workers, professionals, teachers, health workers, the business sectors, and to all the sons and daughters of the homeland of Morazán, I reiterate the message of solidarity and support of the Cuban people, and our commitment to accompany you in this battle for justice and dignity.

Thank you very much.

Translated by Granma International

June 24, 2009

HAITI (video): Footage Shows UN Shooting at Crowd in Haiti

Video footage shows UN shooting at crowd in Haiti

June 24, 2009

HIP- Port au Prince- Haiti’s largest privately owned TV station, Radio Tele-Ginen, released video footage today that contradicts denials by the UN that they only fired shots into the air during a funeral for Catholic priest Father Gerard Jean-Juste on June 18.

The footage obtained by HIP clearly shows two shots being fired by Brazilian troops from the back of a small pickup truck at crowd level. The first shot was fired in the direction of the front of Haiti’s national cathedral where one of the mourners was killed by a single shot to the head.

The UN has since claimed that they were not responsible and that their troops only fired warning shots into the air. They also claimed to have performed an autopsy on the victim and made the assertion that he had been “killed by a rock thrown by the crowd or hit with a blunt object.” Witnesses and journalists have countered that the U.N. is trying to cover-up the incident.

This is not the first time U.N. troops in Haiti have been accused of killing innocent Haitians. On July 6, 2005 the UN launched a raid on the community of Cite Soleil where residents accused them of committing a massacre.

The Video is shown below – UN shoots at mourners during funeral for Father Gerard Jean-Juste in Haiti, June 18, 2009

For further background please see:

UN “peacekeepers” in Haiti accused of massacre

Another Massacre in Haiti by UN Troops

UN terror kills Haiti’s children at night

The Haiti Information Project (HIP) is a non-profit alternative news service providing coverage and analysis of breaking developments in Haiti.

Winner of the CENSORED 2008 REAL NEWS AWARD for Outstanding Investigative Journalism

For further information about the Haiti Information Project (HIP) visit: http://www.teledyol.net/HIP/about.html
Contact: HIP@teledyol.net

June 23, 2009

HAITI (video): Wyclef Jean – MIA During Priest’s Burial and UN Murder of Haitian Mourner

Where is Wyclef Jean when you need him?  Apparently, in a New York studio composing a song for the upper class protesters in the streets of Iran.  Too bad.  The people of Haiti could have used his solidarity last week.  Last Thursday, Haitians laid to rest their beloved priest, human rights advocate, and political prisoner, Father Gerard Jean-Juste.  Unfortunately, his rest was horribly interrupted by a provocative arrest of one mourner and the murder of another, both by UN troops.

In a June 20 article by Kevin Pina,” ‘Thank You Bill Clinton’- One More Assassination by UN Troops in Haiti” it is evident that the worst insult that could be delivered to the Haitian people on the day of Jean-Juste’s funeral is the perpetration of violent acts by their  UN occupiers.

Thinking about what took place in Haiti and then stumbling upon Wyclef’s Iran video “Emergency Concert for Iran,” I was struck by the contrast in media coverage of these two countries.  Haiti is terribly undercovered and Iran, right now, shall we say, is over-exposed?  The amount of media resources spent to cover upper class Iranians in their twenties and thirties running through the streets of Tehran in their Calvin Klein’s is almost obscene.  Yet, in Haiti, not far from the US coast, a horrible tragedy put into motion by the US that began with the kidnapping of the democratically-elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, goes virtually unnoticed. I guess the “twitter” bird doesn’t tweet there.

While the CIA and the Mossad are helping to bring their kind of “democracy” to Iran, no one will help the people of Haiti get back the democracy they achieved nine years ago with the election of President Aristide.

So, Wyclef, do a song for Iran, if you must.  But, your homeland, Haiti, could use your celebrity status now and a special message of solidarity from you.

June 18, 2009

HAITI: UN Shoots into Funeral Procession, Population Demands Preval Resign and Aristide Return

The UN Peacekeeping mission has never been a force for peace in Haiti for the same reason that Israel has never been1_245720_1_9 a force for peace in the Middle East– it is not to their advantage AND murdering Haitians/Palestinians has not been to their disadvantage.  The more that Israel can justify the threat from Palestinians, the more money it gets from the US.  The more that the UN can claim that the people of Haiti represent a security risk, the more often its mission is renewed by the UN Security Council.  MINUSTAH, the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti, is due for renewal in October 2009.

Horribly and sadly, the UN could not resist provoking the people of Haiti today at the funeral of their beloved Father Gerard Jean-Juste.  Come to think of it, the Israelis execute Palestinians at the funerals of their relatives, don’t they?

More blood will be spilled in Haiti.

Marchers accuse UN of shooting at Haiti funeral

By JONATHAN M. KATZ – 17 minutes ago

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti (AP) — Gunfire broke out during a funeral procession Thursday for a popular Haitian priest, killing a man and prompting angry protests that could inflame government opponents with only days to go before elections in the troubled nation.

Marchers accused U.N. peacekeepers of killing the unidentified man during protests surrounding the funeral of the Rev. Gerard Jean-Juste, who was a close ally of exiled former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

The protesters are incensed by the presence of foreign troops on Haitian soil. U.N. peacekeeping spokeswoman Sophie Boutaud de la Combe said the shooting was under investigation and that an autopsy would be quickly carried out.

There has been no evidence produced that would definitively prove who shot the man. None of the protesters were seen holding guns and the shooting took place on a busy thoroughfare intersected by multiple cross-streets and alleys.

Jean-Juste was a Roman Catholic priest known as an advocate for the poor, both in Haiti and in Miami, where he led the Haitian Refugee Center. Mourners sang pro-Aristide songs and slogans throughout the ceremony, which was officiated by Haiti’s archbishop.

The shooting happened as about 2,000 people were carrying Jean-Juste’s flag-draped coffin to the presidential palace to protest President Rene Preval’s policies and his failure to bring Aristide back from South African exile.

Witnesses said some marchers had thrown rocks at Brazilian U.N. peacekeepers shortly before gunshots rang out, causing a panic and leaving one marcher dead in a pool of blood.

“He was our brother, and they killed him,” said a sobbing man who said he saw the shooting.

Most of Jean-Juste’s mourners continued on to the palace gates, unaware of the death at first. The casket was loaded into a hearse, to be carried to his birthplace in rural Cavaillon.

But as word of the shooting raced through the crowd, some mourners began smashing the windows of cars and buildings. Four men then carried the dead protesters’s body to the palace, laying it onto the same spot where Jean-Juste’s casket had been minutes before, and screaming for Preval to resign.

Haitian riot police moved in with shields and batons to make way for a police ambulance to remove his body. U.N. peacekeepers stood by across the plaza.

The shooting follows four weeks of protests led by medical students against the elimination of some classes from school curriculum, in favor of an increase in Haiti’s minimum wage and against the 9,000-member U.N. force that has been in Haiti since Aristide’s departure in 2004.

On Wednesday, student protesters attacked and burned a U.N. police vehicle.

Student-led demonstrations have preceded several recent upheavals, including the 2004 rebellion that ousted Aristide and the 1986 overthrow of dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier.

Jean-Juste died in early June at a Miami-area hospital following complications from a stroke and respiratory problems. He was 62. He was known for fighting on behalf of migrants in Florida.

He later returned to Haiti and was arrested in 2005 on suspicion of playing a role in the kidnapping and slaying of a prominent Haitian journalist. He denied any involvement, noting he’d been in Miami at the time of the killing. International human rights groups called the charges politically motivated.

While he was in jail, Aristide’s party registered Jean-Juste as its candidate for president. But the party was not allowed to run in 2006, instead throwing its support behind Preval, who had been Aristide’s prime minister. Lavalas supporters now consider Preval a traitor for failing to return Aristide from his South African exile.

The government released Jean-Juste from prison in 2006, prompting his return to Miami. Charges against him were later dropped, and he visited Haiti often in recent years, leading some 3,000 people in the capital’s Cite Soleil slum in a rally for Aristide’s return last April.

Copyright © 2009 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.

http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5iRCWt

June 14, 2009

PERU: Videos – Garcia Race Hatred Policy at Work – Police Massacre Bagua Indians

I have seen a lot of footage from the Indian uprising in Peru’s Amazon, primarily in the town of Bagua, but I have found nothing quite like this.  The following videos were taken by an independent film crew which places the viewer in the middle of the police siege as it unfolds.  Not only do you begin to comprehend the massive fire power of the police, but you realize that it is not being used to contain or stop the Indian protests, but to murder Indians. After watching the second video, you understand that what’s taking place is state-sponsored terrorism and Garcia’s use of a 500 year old policy of race hatred in Latin America is what fuels it.

Since April 9th communities in the Peruvian Amazon have been protesting new laws passed by President Alan Garcia’s government that usher in the Free Trade Agreement with the United States and authorize an unprecedented wave of extractive industries into the Amazon Rainforest.  Over 30,000 indigenous people have been blockading roads, rivers, and railways to demand the repeal of these new laws that allow oil, mining and logging companies to enter indigenous territories without seeking their prior consultation or consent as required under the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

During the past week, confrontations between non-violent indigenous protesters and police have left over 100 people dead. The vast majority of the casualties are civilians, who have been conducting peaceful demonstrations in defense of the Amazon rain forest.

As you look at the footage on the videos you see the brutality leveled by the police at the Indians.  Whether apprehending the protesters or interrogating them, the primary technique used by the police is humiliation.  The brutality is brazen and unapolgetic especially in one scene where an Indian, lying on the ground, is kicked repeatedly in the head  by police as if his head is a soccer ball.  Only hatred can make a person do that.  And this is what Alan Garcia is counting on.  Over the last several weeks Garcia has made provocative, racist comments before the media so there is no mistake in what he is saying.  He stated that Indians are “not first-class citizens” and that “small groups” cannot interfere with the needs of  “development.”  Garcia is boldly telling the world that the Indians of Peru are not worthy of consultation with the government. They are of another race and, therefore, somehow sub-human.

Of course the irony and reality of all this is that most of the police have Indian blood running through their veins and have spent most of their lives trying to pretend otherwise. Racism causes people to hate others based on what they look like.  It also causes people to hate themselves if they are a member of a hated group.  The result is that the part that a person hates about themselves motivates them to demonstrate to those in groups with which they wish to be aligned that they are willing to crush the Indians, crush the Africans, crush the Dalits, and so on.

Being a member of a national police force, with orders to “wipe out” an Indian uprising, is a hell of a good opportunity to drain out some of that hated Indian blood. State-sponsored terrorism is based on this kind of cannibalism. Five hundred years ago, the Spaniards knew if they did not pit red, brown and black at each other, the Spaniards would be the ones massacred. In Bagua, the cops are the tools, the technique is racial hatred, and President Garcia is the master craftsman. What the police don’t realize is that they have much more in common with the Indians than Garcia.  And what Garcia doesn’t realize is that he is not white.

The footage is divided into two separate videos, Part I about 8 minutes long and Part II is approximately 6:30 minutes long.

Bagua Massacre: Part I

Bagua Massacre: Part II

June 12, 2009

Che Guevara(videos): His Legacy on the 81st Anniversary of His Birth

This coming Sunday, June 14, is  the 81st anniversary of Che Guevara’s birth and it is a good occasion to review various parts of his life and missions.

In late 1964, after making a speech before the UN General Assembly, Che Guevara embarked on a lengthy tour of Africa that began and ended in Algeria. He visited the Republic of China, Mali, Congo (Brazzaville), Guinea, Ghana, Dahomey, Tanzania, the United Arab Republic, Ireland and Prague. He returned to Algiers to participate in the Second Economic Seminar of the Organization of Afro-Asian Solidarity. Below is a video snippet of one of the two speeches he gave there. Here, he clearly articulates the beast that is imperialism.

Later, in 1965, Che mysteriously disappeared from Cuba. Che was being very careful about his next mission: heading up a clandestine operation of Cuban soldiers to the Congo to help support the Lumumbistes who were fighting against the central government. The central government had just elected a new president, a man who was complicit in the assassination of Patrice Lumumba and who had become the United States’ main man in the Congo, Mobutu Sese Seko. Unfortunately, Che’s mission in the Congo was fraught with many difficulties and never bore fruit; he would never see the continent again.

Though Guevara had returned to Cuba on March 14, 1965, his absence from public functions soon caused a stir not only within Cuba but internationally as well. Finally, on October 3, during the televised ceremony of the presentation of the newly established Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba, Fidel, with Che’s wife and children in attendance, read the following letter from Che (further below) that had been delivered to Fidel back in April. Che left the timing of its disclosure up to Fidel. Fidel purposely delayed making it public out of concern for Che’s security and, for the same reason, could not divulge his present whereabouts.

As we know now, in 1966, Che entered Bolivia incognito and tried to breathe life back into a struggling guerilla movement by helping to return the country and its resources back to the rightful owners — the indigenous peoples. Unfortunately, this mission failed badly. On October 9, 1967, he was killed in the highlands of Bolivia in a CIA operation headed up by a man by the name of Felix Rodriguez.

Forty years after Che’s death and 500 years after the Spanish Conquest, Bolivia has a president who not only looks like the majority of the people of Bolivia, but more importantly, thinks like them. By nationalizing precious resources and redistributing land, the people of Bolivia are on the way to re-building their sovereignty. Unfortunately, while imperial forces are trying to carve up Bolivia into autonomous regions, the people of Bolivia continue to fight on valiantly. If Che was around today, he would be gratified.  And, knowing that the struggle would be a long one, he would probably want to be there, shoulder-to-shoulder, fighting alongside the people.

After Che’s letter, you will find a video with a song written by beloved Cuban folksinger, Carlos Puebla, “Hasta Siempre, Comandante,” which is meant as a response to Che’s farewell letter.  The video shows various pictures of Che and of people today who continue to honor his work.

Happy birthday, Che! We learn from your example.

HE’S FAREWELL LETTER TO FIDEL

March, 1965

Havana

Fidel:

At this moment I remember many things — when I met you in Marfa Antonia’s house, when you suggested my coming, all the tensions involved in the preparations.

One day they asked who should be notified in case of death, and the real possibility of that fact affected us all. Later we knew that it was true, that in revolution one wins or dies (if it is a real one). Many comrades fell along the way to victory.

Today everything is less dramatic, because we are more mature. But the fact is repeated. I feel that I have fulfilled the part of my duty that tied me to the Cuban Revolution in its territory, and I say good-bye to you, the comrades, your people, who are already mine.

I formally renounce my positions in the national leadership of the party, my post as minister, my rank of major, and my Cuban citizenship. Nothing legal binds me to Cuba. The only ties are of another nature — those which cannot be broken as appointments can.

Recalling my past life, I believe I have worked with sufficient honor and dedication to consolidate the revolutionary triumph. My only serious failing was not having confided more in you from the first moments in the Sierra Maestra, and not having understood quickly enough your qualities as a leader and a revolutionary.

I have lived magnificent days, and I felt at your side the pride of belonging to our people in the brilliant yet sad days of the Caribbean crisis.

Seldom has a statesman been more brilliant than you in those days. I am also proud of having followed you without hesitation, identified with your way of thinking and of seeing and appraising dangers and principles. Other nations of the world call for my modest efforts. I can do that which is denied you because of your responsibility as the head of Cuba, and the time has come for us to part.

I want it known that I do it with mixed feelings of joy and sorrow: I leave here the purest of my hopes as a builder, and the dearest of those I love. And I leave a people who received me as a son. That wounds me deeply. I carry to new battlefronts the faith that you taught me, the revolutionary spirit of my people, the feeling of fulfilling the most sacred of duties: to fight against imperialism wherever it may be. This comforts and heals the deepest wounds.

I state once more that I free Cuba from any responsibility, except that which stems from its example. If my final hour finds me under other skies, my last thought will be of this people and especially of you. I am thank- ful for your teaching, your example, and I will try to be faithful to the final consequences of my acts.

I have always been identified with the foreign policy of our revolution, and I will continue to be. Wherever I am, I will feel the responsibility of being a Cuban revolutionary, and as such I shall behave. I am not sorry that I leave my children and my wife nothing material. I am happy it is that way. I ask nothing for them, as I know the state will provide enough for their expenses and education.

I would like to say much to you and to our people, but I feel it is not necessary. Words cannot express what I would want them to, and I don’t think it’s worth while to banter phrases.

Hasta la victoria siempre. ¡Patria o Muerte!
I embrace you with all my revolutionary fervor.


Che


June 10, 2009

“CHE GUEVARA: The Economics of Revolution” Book by Helen Yaffe and Review by Diana Raby

This review was published in the journal
Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism!
no. 209 (June/July 2009)
================================================

A MASTER CLASS IN SOCIALIST ECONOMICSLaCoubrebig march

Helen Yaffe, Che Guevara: The Economics of Revolution
(London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009)
Reviewed by Diana Raby

http://www.walterlippmann.com/docs2471.html

Helen Yaffe has produced a very important book which can only be described as essential reading for all socialists. Ernesto “Che” Guevara has been justly admired, indeed romanticised and even idolised, for his heroic role as revolutionary guerrilla fighter, his personal integrity and self-sacrifice culminating in martyrdom. But a vital period of his short life has been inexplicably neglected in previous accounts: the six years in which he served the Cuban revolutionary government, playing a crucial role in the transition to socialism.

As President of the National Bank, head of the Department of Industrialisation and then Minister of Industry, Guevara was responsible for many of the fundamental decisions in creating a distinctive Cuban model. Despite the importance of Soviet support in providing a lifeline to the young revolution, Che quickly made clear his reservations with regard to economic policies in the USSR.

Che’s criticisms  gave rise to a public polemic which came to be known as the “Great Debate”, and several of the key contributions to this discussion were published in a useful volume edited by Bertram Silverman (Man and Socialism in Cuba: The Great Debate, New York: Atheneum, 1971). But we have had to wait until Yaffe’s book for a detailed analysis of Guevara’s arguments and of actual policies.

On the basis of 60 interviews with Che’s former colleagues and extensive archival research, including consultation of Guevara’s crucial notes for a critique of the Soviet Manual of Political Economy, Yaffe gives us unprecedented insight into his vital contribution to the Cuban Revolution and to Marxist theory.

The Law of Value under Socialism

The central issue at stake was the role of the Law of Value under socialism. Ever since Lenin, Communists had recognised that this key component of capitalist economics would not simply disappear overnight and could not be legislated out of existence; in the USSR in the early 1920s, Lenin’s New Economic Policy (NEP) was an explicit tactical retreat which authorised extensive use of capitalist practices and hence the Law of Value. Although Stalinist collectivisation appeared to eliminate or greatly restrict its operation, in fact it continued and after Khruschev’s  reforms in the late 1950s, the Law of Value was once again explicitly enshrined in Soviet economic manuals.

To Guevara, Soviet technological backwardness was a symptom of the stifling of socialist creative potential by trying to combine socialist planning at national level with capitalist management systems at enterprise level. In technical terms, the key issue was the use of the Auto-Financing System (AFS), promoted in Soviet manuals from the 1950s onwards, as against the Budgetary Finance System (BFS) favoured by Guevara. The AFS encouraged enterprise managers to maximise profits by using market mechanisms to determine prices, financing their own investments through credit and developing autonomous commercial relationships with other public enterprises with little regard for the national plan.

In contrast to this, under the BFS goods exchanged between public enterprises were transferred without payment; a cost price was administratively determined and the relevant adjustments were made in the respective enterprise accounts in the Treasury. Incentives were based on micro-management of costs and production contracts (determined by management consultations at all levels, with direct worker input) regulating quantity, quality and punctuality.

Che’s argument for the BFS was that under socialism, the entire Cuban economy was essentially one big public enterprise, and therefore exchanges of products within it were not commodity transactions; there was no transfer of ownership and therefore no purchase or sale. Costs had to be recorded to prevent waste, but incentives for increased quantity or quality of production should be based on the collective interest and not market forces.

This principle of socialist exchange, in which the Law of Value does not operate, could not be applied to foreign trade with capitalist countries, where imports were necessarily priced according to the Law of Value. It followed that goods produced in Cuba with imported inputs (raw materials or machinery) would have to reflect the Law of Value in their pricing. Indeed, one of Che’s major criticisms of the Soviet Bloc was the extent to which they applied capitalist market prices in their international trade.

The transformation of Cuba

It is fascinating to see how Guevara applied these abstract principles in practice to the management of the Cuban economy, at the same time that he was wrestling with all kinds of mundane practical problems. The nationalisation of virtually all large-scale enterprises in only two or three years, together with the sudden loss of Cuba’s traditional commercial ties to the US and the need to replace American with Soviet technology, threatened to bring about complete economic paralysis.

What Helen Yaffe’s book shows in this respect is how Che’s extraordinary revolutionary dedication enabled him to deal with this daunting situation. While her discussion of the BFS refutes the widely-held myth of Guevara as a pure voluntarist and idealist, her account of his practical administrative work shows how his personal will and commitment drove him to find solutions to apparently insoluble problems.

Yaffe gives amusing examples of the improvisation and spontaneity which characterised the revolution in its early years, such as Che’s appointment as President of the National Bank despite having no economic training or experience and his decision to appoint his math lecturer, Salvador Vilaseca (who was equally inexperienced) as his deputy; and the appointment of 200 teacher trainees, aged 15-20, as managers of nationalised enterprises.

These examples confirm the tendency to improvisation and spontaneity which characterised the revolution in its early years, and while such rash decisions sometimes had disastrous consequences, it is remarkable how often these young and inexperienced revolutionaries succeeded in their new tasks. The reason for this almost certainly lies in the dedication which Guevara (and Fidel and many of their associates) brought to everything they did, and the practice of giving real decision-making power to shop-floor workers.

Study and scientific rigour

The myth of Che as impractical idealist is further undermined by his respect for science and his quest to apply the most advanced scientific knowledge in all spheres. Whenever he assumed a new responsibility, he immediately began to study the relevant scientific disciplines, systematically and intensively – and he insisted on his subordinates doing the same.

This combination of dedication, theoretical rigour and attention to practical detail also characterised Che’s approach to issues of workers’ participation and socialist consciousness. His insistence on the crucial importance of developing consciousness – the “New Man” – was not just a matter of propaganda and exhortation. All kinds of mechanisms were introduced to promote workers’ initiative and participation: Committees for Spare Parts, the Movement of Inventors and Innovators, Advisory Technical Committees, Production Assemblies and Committees for Local Industry. Most important, the human side of workers’ involvement was a central concern.

Thus the encouragement of voluntary labour and moral (as opposed to material) incentives was accompanied by measures which showed a growing understanding of workers’ practical problems. Health and safety were recognised as important issues, and “burnt-out” workers were given entitlement to rest and recuperation in holiday resorts. Guevara’s medical training made him sensitive to workers’ problems of stress and self-esteem, and of psychological issues in general; and he was forced (with some difficulty) to recognise the problematic impact of his own explosive character.

The Critique of the Soviet Manual

Guevara’s contribution to socialist theory is summed up in an incomplete study which he was working on in 1965-66, before leaving for Bolivia. These notes, which amount to a comprehensive critique of the Soviet Manual of Political Economy, and which were so contentious that for 40 years they were kept under lock and key by Che’s deputy Orlando Borrego Díaz, are analysed in Yaffe’s chapter 9.

Guevara’s ideas are certainly controversial, and a breath of fresh air for anyone familiar with the fossilised formulae of “orthodox” Communist (and in many cases also, Trotskyist) exegesis. He argued that in the USSR the NEP (which Lenin would surely have abandoned had he lived longer) had entrenched the structures of pre-monopoly capitalism, but centralised planning had prevented competition (and the Law of Value) from operating freely. The result was the worst of both worlds: technological stagnation and a situation in which “man neither develops his fabulous productive capacities, nor does he develop himself as the conscious builder of a new society”. Stalinist dogmatism had frozen the system but had  since been replaced by inconsistent pragmatism, which in turn would lead more and more towards capitalist restoration, pure and simple.

But Guevara’s criticisms went far beyond this. He also rejected the Soviet Manual’s acceptance of the idea of a peaceful, parliamentary road to socialism in some countries; condemned the working class in imperialist countries as accomplices of the system; identified landless peasants as the truly revolutionary force in most countries; and condemned the USSR for replacing internationalism with chauvinism, forcing other socialist countries into submission.

Che’s Legacy

Yaffe recognises that Che’s ideas have not been fully applied in Cuba since his departure and death, but neither have they been simply abandoned. Rather, she argues, the country’s subsequent history “can be portrayed as a pendulum swinging between what is desirable and what is necessary – with Guevara’s ideas being associated with the vitality of the Revolution”. She also correctly draws attention to the importance of the new relationship with Venezuela and the ALBA, in which international exchanges take place on a non-commodity basis. She quotes favourable comments by Hugo Chávez on Che’s ideas and the adoption by the United Socialist Party of Venezuela of “the strategic objective of neutralising the operation of the law of value”.

What this book has achieved, then, is to demonstrate that Guevara’s greatness lies at least as much in his contribution to socialist thought as in his heroic example as a guerrilla leader. This does not mean, of course, that his ideas should be accepted uncritically; indeed that would itself be totally un-Guevarist. In the humble opinion of this reviewer, two questions immediately arise. First, if the BFS is a desirable mechanism for avoiding the operation of the Law of Value at enterprise level, does it not create an enormous danger of bureaucratic centralism stifling workers’ democracy and initiative? And secondly, while it may be desirable to view the entire economy of a socialist country as one single enterprise owned collectively by the working people as a whole, does this not pose a serious problem of the potential disparity between ideal and real possession of the means of production: i.e., workers may well feel that they are the owners of their particular workplace, but do they really feel – and do the objective conditions exist for them to function as – owners of the entire economy?

One thing is certain: for anyone engaged in the struggle for a better world, the thought of Che Guevara is a fundamental point of departure, and this book is an essential work of reference.

__._,_.___

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June 9, 2009

FIDEL CASTRO: “OBAMA’S SPEECH IN CAIRO”

http://www.walterlippmann.com/fc-06-08-2009.html
====================================================

Reflections by Comrade Fidel

OBAMA’S SPEECH IN CAIRO

On Thursday the 4th of June, at the Islamic University of Al-Azhar in Cairo, Obama gave a speech of special interest to those of us who are closely following his political actions given the enormous might of the superpower he leads. I cite his very own words to indicate what I think are the basic ideas he expressed, thus summarizing his speech to save time. Not only do we have to know that he spoke but also what he said.

“We meet at a time of great tension between the United Status and Muslims around the World…”

“The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars.

“…colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.”

“Violent extremists have exploited these tensions …”

“…has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights..”

“I’ve come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect …”

“…they overlap, and share common principles — principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.”

“…but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.

“As the Holy Quran tells us, “Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.”

“I’m a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith..”

“It was Islam — at places like Al-Azhar — that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe’s Renaissance and Enlightenment”.

“…And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, …”
“And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.”

“…America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire.”

“The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, …”

“Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people..”

“When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.”

“When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.”

“…any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail.”

“In Ankara, I made clear that America is not — and never will be — at war with Islam.”

“…we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women and children.”

“…there’s still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11.”

“The victims were innocent men, women and children from America …”

“…Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no military — we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan, and now Pakistan, determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can.”

“The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as — it is as if he has killed all mankind. And the Holy Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.”

“Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.”

“…I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.”

“Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future — and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.

“I have made it clear to the Iraqi people — (applause) — I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.

“Iraq’s sovereignty is its own. And that’s why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.”

“…remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.”

“Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country.”

“…in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.”

“I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.”

“…America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law”

“The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.”
“America’s strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable.”
“On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people — Muslims and Christians — have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they’ve endured the pain of dislocation.”

“Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead.”

“So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity and a state of their own.”

“…two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.”

“It’s easy to point fingers — for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel’s founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.”

“…if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth.”

“The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.”

“. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.”

“Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel’s right to exist.”

“…Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel’s right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine’s. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.”

“This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.”

“And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society.”

“Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.”

“The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.”

“The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.”

“In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government.”

“Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians.”

“Rather than remain trapped in the past, I’ve made it clear to Iran’s leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.”

“I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.”

“I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that’s why I strongly reaffirmed America’s commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.”

“…any nation — including Iran — should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.”

In these three first topics of his speech we find the basic objective of his trip to that Islamic University of Egypt. One cannot blame the new president of the United States for the situation created in the Middle East. It is obvious that he wants to find an exit from the colossal mess created there by his predecessors and by the very development of events over the last 100 years.

Not even Obama could imagine when he was working in the black communities of Chicago that the terrible effects of a financial crisis would combine with the factors that made his election as president in a strongly racist society possible.

He takes office at an exceptionally complex time for his country and the world. He is trying to resolve problems that he perhaps considers to be simpler than they really are. Centuries of colonial and capitalist exploitation have given way to a world where a handful of overdeveloped rich countries coexist with another handful of immensely poor countries that provide raw materials and labor force. If you add China and India, two truly emerging nations, the struggle for natural resources and markets make up an entirely new situation on the planet where human survival itself has yet to be solved.

Obama’s African roots, his humble background and his amazing ascent awaken hope in many who like shipwreck victims try to hold on to a piece of wood in the middle of the storm.

His statement that “any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail” is correct; or when he declares that “people of all faiths reject the killing of innocent men, women and children” or when he reaffirms to the world his opposition to the use of torture. Generally speaking, several of his abovementioned statements are theoretically correct; he clearly perceives the need for all countries, with no exceptions of course, to give up nuclear weapons. Well-known and influential personalities in the US see this as a great danger, as technology and science generalize access to radioactive material and ways of using it, even in small amounts.

It is still early to pass judgment on his degree of commitment to the ideas he presents, and up to which point he stands firm in sustaining, for example, the proposal of looking for a peace agreement built on fair bases, with guarantees for all the states in the Middle East.

The current president’s main difficulty lies in the fact that the principles he is advocating contradict the policy the superpower has pursued for almost seven decades, from the end of the last battles of World War II in August of 1945. I put aside at this moment the aggressive and expansionist policy it applied on the peoples of Latin America, especially Cuba, when it was still far from being the most powerful nation in the world.

Each one of the norms advocated by Obama in Cairo contradicts the interventions and the wars promoted by the United States. The first of them was the famous Cold War which he mentions in his speech, unleashed by the government of his country. Ideological differences with the USSR do not justify the hostility towards that state which contributed more than 25 million lives in the war against Nazism. Obama would not be remembering in these days the 65th anniversary of the Normandy landings and the liberation of Europe if it were not for the blood of the Soviet troops. Those who freed the survivors of the famous Osviecim concentration camp were Soviet army soldiers. The world was unaware of what was happening there even though quite a few among Western official circles knew the facts. How millions of Jewish children, women and old people were atrociously murdered, and millions of Russian children, women and old people lost their lives as a result of the brutal Nazi invasion in a quest for living space. The West granted concessions to Hitler and conspired to launch him and they finally pushed him to occupy and colonize Slavic lands. During World War II, the Soviets were US allies, not enemies.

They dropped and tested the effects of two nuclear bombs over Hiroshima and Nagasaki, two defenseless cities. Those who perished there were mainly Japanese children, women and old people.

If one were to analyze the wars promoted, supported or waged by the United States in China, Korea, Vietnam, Laos, Kampuchea, among the millions of people who died, many were children, women and old people.

The colonial wars of France and Portugal after W.W. II had the support of the United States; the coups and interventions in Central America, Panama, Santo Domingo, Grenada, Chile, Paraguay, Uruguay, Peru and Argentina were all promoted and supported by the United States.

Israel was not a nuclear power. The creation of a state in territory from which the Jews were driven into an exodus by the Roman Empire 2000 years ago was supported in good faith by the USSR as well as other countries in the world. At the triumph of the Cuban Revolution we had relations with that state for more than a decade until its wars of conquest over the Palestinians and other Arab peoples led us to severe them. Total respect for religion and Jewish religious activities has been maintained without any sort of interruption.

The US never opposed Israeli conquest of Arab territories, nor did it protest the terrorist methods used against the Palestinians. On the contrary, it created a nuclear power there, one of the most advanced in the world, in the heart of Arab and Muslim territory, creating in the Middle East one of the planet’s most dangerous places.

The superpower also used Israel to supply nuclear weapons to the armies of apartheid in South Africa, to be used against Cuban troops which alongside Angolan and Namibian forces were defending the Peoples’ Republic of Angola. These are fairly recent events which the current US president surely knows about. Thus we are not foreign to the aggression and the danger the Israeli nuclear potential represents for peace.

After the three initial points of his speech in Cairo, Obama starts philosophizing and lecturing about US foreign policy:

“The fourth issue that I will address is democracy”, he said.

“So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation on any other.”

“America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.”

“But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; …”

“These are not just American ideas; they are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere.”

“The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.”
“Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance … I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.”

“Among some Muslims, there’s a disturbing tendency to measure one’s own faith by the rejection of somebody else’s faith.”

“…fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.”

“…it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit — for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We can’t disguise hostility toward any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.”

“I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.”

“…the struggle for women’s equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.”

“I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons. Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity — men and women — to reach their full potential.”

“The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities.”

“…invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.”

“…we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek — a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes …”

“That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.”

“It’s easier to start wars than to end them.

“that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us

“We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.

“The Holy Quran tells us: “O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.”
The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.”
The Holy Bible tells us: “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.” (Applause.)
The people of the world can live together in peace.”

As you can see, tackling the fourth topic in his speech at Al-Azhar University Obama stumbles into a contradiction. After beginning his words with a maxim as is his custom, stating that:

“No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation on any other”, a principle in the Charter of the United Nations as a fundamental element of international law, he immediately contradicts himself with a declaration of faith that turns the United States into the supreme judge over democratic values and human rights.

Then he refers to subjects related to economic development and equal opportunities. He makes promises to the Arab world; he points our advantages and contradictions. It would really appear to be a public relations campaign carried out by the United States with the Muslim countries; in any case, this is better than threatening to destroy them with bombs.

At the end of the speech there is quite a mix of subjects.

If one takes into account the length of the speech, without using paper, the number of lapses is negligible as compared with his predecessor who used to make a mistake in every paragraph. He is a very good communicator.

I tend to observe historical, political and religious ceremonies with interest.

This one at Al-Azhar University seemed to be to be an unreal scene. Not even Pope Benedict XVI had declared such ecumenical phrases as Obama did. For a second I imagined the pious Muslim, Catholic, Christian or Jew, or someone from any other religion, listening to the president in the spacious hall of Al-Azhar University. At a certain moment I couldn’t tell whether he was in a Catholic cathedral, a Christian church, a mosque or a synagogue.

He left early for Germany. For three days he toured politically significant sites. He participated and spoke at commemorative ceremonies. He visited museums, received his family and dined at famous restaurants. He has an impressive working capacity. Some time will go by before we see anything like it again.

Fidel Castro Ruz
June 8, 2009
7:12 p.m.

June 8, 2009

Peru: Garcia Gov’t. Committing Massacres of Indigenous in Resource Rich Amazonas

Since April 9th communities in the Peruvian Amazon have been protesting new laws passed by President Alan Garcia’s government that usher in the Free Trade Agreement with the United States and authorize an unprecedented wave of extractive industries into the Amazon Rainforest.

Over 30,000 indigenous people have been blockading roads, rivers, and railways to demand the repeal of these new laws that allow oil, mining and logging companies to enter indigenous territories without seeking their prior consultation or consent as required under the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Peru’s President Alan Garcia has said that “small groups” must not stand in the way of “development” of the Amazon.

Ironically, Peru was the country that introduced the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on the floor of the General Assembly when it was adopted in September 2007.

(Above info excerpted from Amazon Watch news releases and pic below from dawn.com)

peru-protests-608

Two news releases from AMAZON WATCH follow

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 2009-06-06

In Bagua, Peru: Gregor MacLennan + 511 – 993 916-389
In the U.S.: Atossa Soltani 202-256-9795 atossa@amazonwatch.org, Nick Magel 419-283-2728 nick@amazonwatch.org

Police Open Fire on Indigenous Blockade in the Peruvian Amazon – 25 Civilians and 9 Police Dead, 150 Injured

Garcia Government Criticized for Orchestrating Violent Attack on Peaceful Blockade While Censoring Congressional Debate on “Free Trade Laws”

Peru Ministers Under Report Number Indigenous Peoples Dead and Injured

Interviews with Eyewitnesses and High-resolution Photos Available Upon Request

Photos of June 5 Police Attack on Peaceful Blockade in Bagua

Bagua, Peru (June 6, 2009) – In the early morning hours on Friday, Peruvian Special Forces staged a violent raid on a group of indigenous people at a peaceful blockade on a road outside of Bagua in a remote area of the northern Peruvian Amazon resulting in 25 civilians confirmed dead and more than 150 injured. Over 600 police attacked several thousand unarmed Awajun and Wambis indigenous peoples including many women and children and forcibly dispersed them using tear gas and live ammunition.

Dramatic photos (available on www.amazonwatch.org) of the attack show clearly the police brutally beating and shooting demonstrators at close range. At 2am police began to approach the demonstrators as they were sleeping along the Fernando Belaúnde Terry road. Demonstrators refused to move from the roadblock as police in helicopters fired teargas grenades and live ammunition. Eyewitnesses report that police also attacked from both sides firing live rounds into the crowd as people fled into surrounding steep hillsides, many becoming trapped. As the unarmed demonstrators were being killed and injured some wrestled with police, fighting back in self-defense, which resulted in the reported deaths of nine police officers.

In local radio reports the chief of police claimed that the indigenous demonstrators were armed and fired first. This claim has been strongly rejected by dozens of local eyewitnesses including local journalists who confirmed that Amazonian demonstrators have been entirely peaceful and only bear traditional spears and in no way provoked any violence. A point highlighted by the fact that the blockades have been going on for 56 days without a single incident.

Gregor MacLennan of Amazon Watch who is currently in Bagua gathering first hand testimonies from blockade participants, local journalists and residents stated: “All eyewitness testimonies say that Special Forces opened fire on peaceful and unarmed demonstrators including from helicopters, killing and wounding dozens in an orchestrated attempt to open the roads. It seems that the police had come with orders to shoot. This was not a clash, but a coordinated police raid with police firing on protesters from both sides of their blockade.”

“There have been many accounts of atrocities committed by the Special Forces. Some have reported seeing the police throwing liquid on the cadavers and burning them. Also local residents have given accounts of having seen police throwing bodies of dead civilians into the river in an apparent attempt to underreport the number of dead. We’ve also received accounts that some of those injured were being detained by security forces and denied medical attention leading to additional deaths. There are many people still reported missing and access to medical attention in the region is horribly inadequate.”

Peru’s Ombudsman’s office issued a strong statement yesterday demanding an end to the violence. Letters condemning the government’s actions are pouring in from thousands of Peruvians and international human rights activists and organizations. Today, Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, the chair of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues of the United Nations issued a letter expressing “shock and deep distress at reports received of atrocities committed” and calling on the government to “Immediately cease all violence against indigenous communities and organizations.”

Indigenous peoples have vowed to continue protests until the Peruvian Congress revokes the “free trade” decrees issued by President Garcia under special powers granted by Congress in the context of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States.

In the past two weeks, the Constitutional Committee of Congress has ruled that legislative decrees 994 and 1090 were unconstitutional. The Peruvian Congress was scheduled to debate the revocation of decree 1090 again on Thursday, however, Garcia’s political party, for the third time, prevented the debate preferring instead to attack the peaceful blockades. The government Ombudsman office has filed a legal action with the constitutional tribunal regarding the unconstitutionality of decree 1064, which affects the land rights laws in Peru.

“Garcia has rejected several congressional debates on the decrees, opting for violent attacks and brute force that will only worsen this conflict. It is outrageous that the ministers are now attempting to blame the victims for this incident and cover up the number of indigenous people
dead,” said Gregor MacLennan.

The protests have provoked national debate about government policies in the Amazon that ignore indigenous peoples and encourage large-scale extractive industries in Amazonian lands. Indigenous peoples assert that new laws undermine their rights and open up their ancestral lands to private companies for mining, logging, plantations, and oil drilling without their consultation or consent.

AIDESEP, the national indigenous organization of Peru presented a legal petition yesterday for “precautionary measures” to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights requesting intervention to prevent more bloodshed. Orders for the arrest of leaders of AIDESEP, including Alberto Pizango who is being charged with sedition, were put in effect on Friday.

A coalition of human rights and environmental organizations are urging the Garcia Government to stand down and cease violent confrontations by the military and calling for solidarity demonstrations at Peruvian Embassies around the world. There were demonstrations on Friday at the Peruvian Government missions in San Francisco and Washington, DC. More are planned next week.

AIDESEP, the national indigenous organization of Peru has called for a nationwide general strike starting June 11th.

For Background information see additional links and www.aidesep.org.pe.

“Amazon Watch, AIDESEP
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE     2009-06-08

In the U.S.: Nick Magel 1-419-283-2728 nick@amazonwatch.org
In Peru: Gregor MacLennan + 511 – 993 916-389

Eyewitness Reports Accuse Peruvian Police of Disposing the Bodies of Dead Indigenous Protesters

Garcia Government Makes Troubling
Racial Slurs and Fear-mongering

Indigenous Leaders and Allies Call for an
End to Violence on All Sides

High Resolution Images and B-ROll from
June 5th Bagua, Peru Tragedy Available for Download

High Resolution Images and B-ROll from June 5th Bagua, Peru Tragedy Available for Download

Bagua, Peru (June 8, 2009) – In the aftermath of Friday’s bloody raid on a peaceful indigenous road blockade near Bagua in the Peruvian Amazon, numerous eyewitnesses are reporting that the Special Forces of the Peruvian Police have been disposing of the bodies of indigenous protesters who were killed.

“Today I spoke to many eyewitnesses in Bagua reporting that they saw police throw the bodies of the dead into the Marañon River from a helicopter in an apparent attempt by the Government to underreport the number of indigenous people killed by police,” said Gregor MacLennan, spokesperson for Amazon Watch.

“Hospital workers in Bagua Chica and Bagua Grande corroborated that the police took bodies of the dead from their premises to an undisclosed location. I spoke to several people who reported that there are bodies lying at the bottom of a deep crevasse up in the hills, about 2 kilometers from the incident site. When the Church and local leaders went to investigate, the police stopped them from approaching the area,” reported MacLennan.
\
Police and government officials have been consistently underreporting the number of indigenous people killed by police gunfire. Indigenous organizations place the number of protesters killed at least at 40, while Government officials claiming that only a handful of indigenous people were killed. Also the Garcia Government claims that 22 police officers were killed and several still missing.

“Witnesses say that it was the police who opened fire last Friday on the protesters from helicopters,” MacLennan said. “Now the government appears to be destroying the bodies of slain protesters and giving very low estimates of the casualty. Given that the demonstrators were unarmed or carrying only wooden spears and the police were firing automatic weapons, the actual number of indigenous people killed is likely to be much higher.”

“Another eyewitness reported seeing the bodies of five indigenous people that had been burned beyond identification at the morgue. I have listened to testimony of people in tears talking about witnessing the police burning bodies,” continued MacLennan.

At least 150 people from the demonstration on Friday are still being detained. Eye-witness reports also confirm that police forcibly removed some of the wounded indigenous protesters from hospitals, taking them to unknown destinations. Their families expressed concern for their well being while in detention. There are many people still reported missing and access to medical attention in the region is horribly inadequate.

The Organizing Committee for the Indigenous Peoples of Alto Amazonas Province issued this statement: “It is appalling that political powers have acted in such a cruel and inhuman manner against Amazonian Peoples, failing to recognize the fundamental rights and protections guaranteed to us by the Constitution. We express deep grief over the death of our indigenous brothers, of civilians and the officers of the National Police.”

The government expanded the State of Emergency and established a curfew on all traffic in the region from 3 pm to 6 am. Indigenous and international human rights organizations are worried about plans of another National Police raid on a blockade in Yurimaguas close to the town of Tarapoto where thousands are blocking a road.

President Alan Garcia is being widely criticized for fomenting a climate of fear mongering against indigenous peoples by drawing parallels to the brutal Shinning Path guerrilla movement of the 1980s and early 1990s, and by vaguely referring to external and anti-democratic threats to the country.

The Amazonian indigenous peoples’ mobilizations have been peaceful, locally coordinated, and extremely well organized for nearly two months. Yet Garcia insists on calling them terrorist acts and anti-democratic. Garcia has even gone so far as to describe the indigenous mobilizations as “savage and barbaric.” Garcia has made his discrimination explicit, saying directly that the Amazonian indigenous people are not first-class citizens.

“These people don’t have crowns,” Garcia said about the protesters. “These people aren’t first-class citizens who can say – 400,000 natives to 28 million Peruvians – ‘You don’t have the right to be here.’ No way. That is a huge error.”

Ironically, Peru was the country that introduced the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on the floor of the General Assembly when it was adopted in September 2007.

A coalition of indigenous and human rights organizations will protest in front of the Peruvian Embassy in Washington D.C. on Monday, June 8 at 12:30 pm.

Indigenous peoples have vowed to continue protests until the Peruvian Congress revokes the “free trade” decrees issued by President Garcia under special powers granted by Congress in the context of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States.

Among the outpouring of statements condemning the violence in Peru were those from Peru’s Ombudsman’s office, the chair of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, a coalition of 45 international human rights organizations, Indigenous organizations from throughout the Americas, and the Conference of Bishops of Peru. Also famous personalities including Q’orianka Kilcher, Benjamin Bratt, Peter Bratt, and Daryl Hannah and Bianca Jagger called on the Peruvian Government to cease the violence and seek peaceful resolution to the conflict.

AIDESEP, the national indigenous organization of Peru has called for a nationwide general strike starting June 11th.

Amazon Watch is continually updating photographs, audio testimony, and video footage from Bagua on www.amazonwatch.org.
# # #photo © Amazon Watch

http://www.amazonwatch.org/newsroom/view_news.php?id=1843

June 8, 2009

CUBA: Declaration of the Revolutionary Gov’t. – Regarding the OAS

Whomever is unclear about the OAS and Cuba should not remain so after reading this declaration.   The picture below, taken in 1962, shows Fidel ripping up the the OAS resolution #6 which expelled Cuba from its ranks.

FidelOASdeclaration

ENGLISH TRANSLATION:
http://www.granma.cu/ingles/2009/junio/lun8/Declaration…

SPANISH ORIGINAL:
http://www.granma.cubaweb.cu/2009/06/08/nacional/artic0…
=================================================================

Havana. June 8, 2009

Declaration of the Revolutionary Government

IN an act of unusual historic significance, the OAS has just formally buried the shameful resolution which excluded Cuba from the Inter-American System in 1962.

That decision was despicable and illegal, contrary to the declared aims and principles of the OAS Constitution. It was, at the same time, consistent with the trajectory of this organization; with the motive for which was created, promoted and defended by the United States. It was consistent with its role as an instrument of U.S. hegemony in the hemisphere and with Washington’s capacity to impose its will on Latin America at the historic moment in which the Cuban Revolution triumphed.

Today, Latin America and the Caribbean are experiencing another reality. The decision adopted at the 39th session of the OAS General is the fruit of the will of governments more committed to their peoples, with the region’s real problems and with a sense of independence that, unfortunately, did not prevail in 1962. Cuba acknowledges the merit of the governments that have undertaken to formally erase that resolution, referred to in that meeting as “an unburied corpse.”

The decision to rescind Resolution 6 of the 8th OAS Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs constitutes an unquestioned disrespect for the U.S. policy on Cuba followed since 1959. It pursues the aim of repairing a historic injustice and is a vindication for the Cuban people and peoples of the Americas.

Despite the last-minute consensus achieved, that decision was adopted against Washington’s will and in the face of intensive moves and pressure exerted by governments in the region. In that way, it dealt imperialism a defeat using its very own instrument.

Cuba welcomes with satisfaction this expression of sovereignty and civic-mindedness, while thanking those governments which, with a spirit of solidarity, independence and justice, have defended Cuba’s right to return to the organization. It also understands the desire to free the OAS from a stigma that has remained as a symbol of the organization’s servility.

However, Cuba once again confirms that it will not return to the OAS.

Since the triumph of the Revolution, the Organization of American States has played an active role in Washington’s policy of hostility against Cuba. It made the economic blockade official, ruled on the embargo of weapons and strategic products, and stipulated member countries’ obligatory breaking off of diplomatic relations with our revolutionary state. Despite the exclusion in place, over the years it even tried to keep Cuba under its authority and to subject it to its own jurisdiction and that of its specialized agencies. This is an organization with a role and a trajectory that Cuba repudiates.

The Cuban people were able to resist the aggressions and the blockade, overcome the diplomatic, political, and economic isolation, and face, on their own, without yielding, the persistent aggressiveness of the most powerful empire known to the planet.

Today our country enjoys diplomatic relations with all the countries of the hemisphere apart from the United States. It is developing broad links of friendship and cooperation with the majority of them.

Moreover, Cuba has won its full independence and is marching unstoppably toward a society that is more just, equitable, and full of solidarity every day.

It has done so with supreme heroism and sacrifice, and with the solidarity of the peoples of the Americas. It shares values that are contrary to those of neoliberal and egotistical capitalism promoted by the OAS, and feels that it has the right and the authority to say “no” to the idea of joining a body in which the United States still exercises oppressive control. The peoples and governments of the region will understand this just position.

Today it can be understood more clearly than in 1962 that it is the OAS that is incompatible with the most pressing desires of the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean, that it is incapable of representing their values, interests and genuine yearning for democracy; it is the OAS that has been unable to solve the problems of inequality, disparities in wealth, corruption, foreign intervention, and the predatory actions of transnational capital. It is the OAS that has remained silent in the face of the most horrendous crimes, communes with the interests of imperialism, and conspires against and subverts governments genuinely and legitimately constituted with demonstrable popular support.

The speeches and declarations of San Pedro Sula have been more than eloquent. Well-founded criticisms of the organization’s anachronism, given its divorce from continental realities and its disgraceful record, cannot be ignored.

The demands to end, once and for all, the criminal U.S. blockade of Cuba reflect the growing and unstoppable sentiment of an entire hemisphere. The spirit of independence represented there by the many that spoke is the one with which Cuba identifies.

Aspirations for the integration and coordination of Latin America and the Caribbean are increasingly manifest. Cuba is actively participating in, and proposes continuing to do so, the representative regional mechanisms of what José Martí called “Our America,” from the Rio Grande to Patagonia, including all of the Caribbean islands.

Strengthening, expanding and harmonizing those bodies and groups is the path chosen by Cuba; not the outlandish illusion of returning to an organization that does not allow reform and that has been condemned by history.

The response of the people of Cuba to the ignominious 8th Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the OAS was the Second Declaration of Havana, approved in a mass assembly on February 4, 1962 by more than one million Cubans in the Plaza de la Revolución.

The declaration textually affirmed:

“…Great as was the epic of Latin American independence, heroic as was that struggle, today’s generation of Latin Americans is called upon to engage in an epic which is even greater and more decisive for humanity. For that struggle was for liberation from Spanish colonial power, from a decadent Spain invaded by Napoleon’s armies. Today the call for struggle is for liberation from the most powerful imperial metropolis in the world, from the most important force in the imperialist world and to render humanity an even greater service than that rendered by our predecessors.

“…For this great humanity has said, “Enough!” and has begun to march. And its march of giants will not be halted until they conquer real independence, for which they have died in vain more than once.”

We will be loyal to these ideas which have made it possible for our people to maintain Cuba free, sovereign and independent.

Havana, June 8, 2009

Translated by Granma International